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项目框架
在20世纪下半叶,建立了恐怖组织，正是导致了更大的巴斯克冲突，这也进一步说明了有一股势力正阻碍当代欧洲的发展，人们也更关心理论的集成和社会共识。该项目将包含一个描述性的和理论性的方法,而不是一个基于冲突暴力的定量分析，而这些暴力行为也逐渐入侵民族主义集团Euskadi Ta Askatasuna(ETA)。
一方面，比较一下在西班牙在建设过程中较独树一帜的方面，就是萨维诺阿拉纳欣欣向荣的“想象的共同体”通过19世纪的民族主义,和相关的事实和一些研究数据。另一方面，就是第二次世界大战给现代化国家带来了无数冲突，例如，减少暴力和极端主义。这被认为是微观和宏观视角下外生演员们对于现代化的反应，尽管种族多元化在今日愈演愈烈，本文认为在全球化的背景下，地域上的界限不再是身份的定义。
在西班牙建设过程中的弱点是——巴斯克民族主义有着千丝万缕的联系，这些联系构成了一个基点理解埃塔(1959)的原则作为恐怖分子。
The basque conflict
THE BASQUE CONFLICT
Project Framework
The Basque conflict, rendered more acute by the establishment of a terrorist organisation in the second half of the 20th century, illustrates the contemporary hindrances of an invigorated Europe, concerned with theories of integration and social consensus. This project intends to comprise a descriptive and theoretical approach, rather than a quantitative analysis based on the materialisation of the conflict by the violent incursions of the nationalist group Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA).
On the one hand, the first part compares and contrasts the sui generis Spanish state-building process to the thriving ‘imagined community' of Sabino Arana, raised through the nationalism of the 19th century, and articulated in relevant facts and figures. On the other hand, the second part brings the conflict to a modern state of affairs, i.e. a scenario of diverse attempts to lessen violence and extremism. It considers micro and macro perspectives and reactions of exogenous actors to this aggiornamento, and despite the diverse interpretations of ethnicity, the paper considers the present context of globalisation, in which identities are no longer guaranteed through states and borders.
Introduction
The weaknesses in the process of Spanish state-building - to which Basque nationalism is inextricably linked - constitute an elementary foundation to understand the principles of ETA (1959), as a terrorist organisation, and the nature of the nationalist identities involved in the conflict. In accordance with Linz: ‘Spain […] is a case of early state-building, where the political, social and cultural integration of its territorial components was not fully accomplished' (1973: 33), and as a result, its development differs from other European case studies in significant ways, mainly due to its dramatic collapse as a colonial power (Mees 2003).
Throughout time, Spain was downplayed from being the most dominant European colonial power to a bankrupt, weakened state with ‘internal problems of legitimacy, identity, penetration and participation' (Mees 2003: 6). Within this unstable context, the unification of the disparate territories in Spain resulted in a nation lacking the instruments of integration and cohesion. Therefore, Spanish nationalism in the 19th century remained weak and never became a movement (Seixas 1993).
The Post-Colonial State-Building
This process involved no common external enemy or national symbols that would promote the idea of an ‘imagined community' (Anderson 1999): it was not the aggressive nature of Spanish nationalism that fuelled the ‘durability of regional and local particularisms', but its weakness (Mees 2003: 7). The Spanish were never fully submitted to the idea of nation, and remained loyal to their local regions, such as the Basque Provinces, comprising a particular and differential culture, i.e. an ethnic community that would later become mobilised as a political nation (Smith 1986).
In historical terms, the annexation of Navarre in the 16th century represents the establishment of modern Spain and the supremacy of Castile over uninfringeable cultures. Moreover, the Crown recognised the importance of conceiving special rights to certain regions that became exempt from appointing soldiers to the central forces, and were granted a system of laws and practices called fueros - that represented a major right of the Basque population, as they conferred (since its codification in the 17th century) conditions for decision-making in most political and economic affairs, with no intervention from the central government (Osma 1996: 34).
However, the evolution of the Carlist ideology (in the 19th century), desecrated the unwavering relations with Castile (Flynn 2000: 100), and following its victory in the third war (1872-1876), the Liberal Government declared the abolition of privileges to the Basque Country, instigating a strong resistance. Hence, the conflict in the Basque Country can be interpreted as a reaction to the abolition of rights and concessions granted throughout history, and according to the nationalists: the outraged reaction to the withdrawing of the fueros represented a ‘national awakening' among the Basque people (Mees 2003).
Early Basque nationalist feeling in the 19th century created an hostile political and social attitude towards the central government, with a developing anti-Spanish and separatist culture (Mees 2003: 8). Furthermore, urban industrialisation and the influx of Spanish-speaking labourers were seen to pose a threat to Basque culture, which is extremely conservative and based around strictly Catholic values, encouraging a nationalist feeling (Woodworth 2001:3). As Basque industrialisation occurred primarily in Biscay, with ‘production of steel, modern shipyards and mining' (Conversi 1997: 48), these activities increased the demand for unskilled labour and society disintegration. As an illustration of this phenomenon, the population in Bilbao increased from 35,505 inhabitants in 1877 to 83,306 in 1900 (Atienza 1979: 73) - out of the 80% of immigrants, 50% were not Basques (Atienza 1979: 74).
The Establishment of an ‘Imagined Community'
The nationalist ideology expanded by Sabino Arana, founder of the Partido Nacionalista Vasco (PNV) in 1895 (Mees 2003: 5), followed his perception of industrialisation - and the consequent immigration to the region - as a threat to Basque culture. Arana published his book For the Independence of Biscay (1892) and assisted the formation of the first Batzoki - later the Bizkai Buru Batzar - i.e. an ideological group that worked as a precursor of the PNV (Elorza 1978: 113). However, after the intervention of Spanish Authorities, Arana was arrested and the party rose as an organised structure, adhering to its manifesto (PNV Manifesto 1906: Volume II).
Returned to Biscay, after a course of Law in Barcelona - where he was impressed by the Catalan Language and the development of Catalonia after the Renaixen?a- Arana (a central player of nationalism in the 19th century) was motivated to study Euskerab and contribute to the Basque culture (Conversi 1997: 74). He took the view that only absolute independence from the Spanish state would secure permanent happiness and freedom for the Basque people as culture, history and race needed to be reaffirmed in order to solve the rooted problems. As a consequence, anything Spanish (or non-Basque) would have to be expelled (Mees 2003: 803), as following the nationalist feeling, the only way to succeed would be through the creation of a ‘nationalist history with deep mythological implications, as well as nationalist symbols and purification of the Basque language' (Payne 1971: 23).
Therefore, in a primary attempt to materialise the nationalist ideology, Arana created symbols that included: the name, Euskadi; the anthem, Gora Ta Gora; and the flag Ikurri?a, adopted by the PNV in 1933. Unlike Spanish unification, Arana succeeded in creating an ‘imagined community', with history, traditions and culture unique to the Basque region (Anderson 1999).
Violent Incursions and Peace Attempts
Since the early 1990s, the opposition within Basque society to the continuation of the conflict has been steadily increasing: groups of citizens became effectively mobilised in an effort to spread their pacifist views throughout the Basque community and build a new anti-violence consensus (Funes 1998: 493). Beyond Basque society, they aim at influencing political leaders, Spanish and Basque governments and at diminishing the power of ETA. As they believe that the people of the Basque Provinces has a responsibility for the existence and the continuity of violence, they intend to become a vehicle for peace. These pacifist groups have increased the conditions - both socially and politically - for resolution, though ETA retains the support of a ‘qualitatively significant sector of Basque society' (Funes 1998).
On a micro perspective of external intervention, Gesto por la Paz is composed of 160 subgroups throughout the Basque country and Navarre and organises street demonstrations that regularly attract 15-20,000 followers; and Elkarri, with up to 107 subgroups, was founded by members of the nationalist left, close to ETA and aims to influence those who would join the terrorist organisation or carry out violent attacks. The latter tries to expand dialogue on both sides through conferences, speeches and publications, as both groups look at the Basque people for support in denouncing violence and reducing separatist radical movements (Funes 1998). |
