96fang,山西杀人犯胡文海的最后一段话,三邦车视电影爱奴新传
ABSTRACT 摘要
虽然使用令人震惊的广告是一个不断增长的现象，这种广告的有效性的结果仍然是混合。此外，很少考虑使用这些策略在不同的组织环境和消费者的影响。采用了一种定性的方法，包括使用的焦点小组，探索一系列的个人的态度和情绪反应。从NFP与FP组织令人震惊的图像被视为成功的抓住观众的注意力。有些图像更为“令人震惊”，而有些则更有效地提请注意的产品或原因。重要的是，冲击广告的使用被认为是正当的但在NFP部门在计生部门少了很多。反应有一定的宗教和性别的影响，但是，它是明显的，这个样本本质上更接受冲击广告比预期的。尽管今天的青年突击战术明显的免疫力，这项研究发现，还有在FP和NFP部门认为不合适的主题；这些包括宗教禁忌使用或令人讨厌的形象。This study compares the reactions towards shock advertising in for-profit (FP) and not-for-profit (NFP) organizations. Although the use of shocking advertisements is a growing phenomenon, the findings regarding the effectiveness of such advertisements remain mixed. Moreover, there is little consideration of the use of these tactics in different organizational contexts and the effect on the consumer. A qualitative methodology was adopted and included the use of focus groups to explore the attitudes and emotional reactions of a range of individuals. The shocking images from both the NFP and FP organizations were deemed successful at capturing the audience’s attention. Some images were more ‘shocking’ than others, whereas some were more effective at drawing attention to the product or the cause. Importantly, the use of shock advertising was perceived to be justifiable in the NFP sector but much less so in the FP sector. Reactions were somewhat influenced by both religion and gender; however, it was apparent that this sample were inherently more accepting of shock advertising than expected. Despite the apparent immunity of today’s youth to shock tactics, this study found that there are still themes that are considered inappropriate in FP and NFP sectors; these include the use of religious taboos or morally offensive images. Copyright . 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
INTRODUCTION 介绍
This study compares consumer reactions towards shock advertising in the for-profit (FP) and not-for-profit (NFP) sectors in the UK and develops knowledge of shock advertising by exploring differences in consumer perception and use of this advertising method in two different types of organizational contexts. This research area is growing (Prendergast et al., 2002; Fam and Waller, 2003; Chan et al., 2007; Fam et al., 2008) with some studies investigating culture differences and geographic regions in response to shock advertisements (Prendergast et al., 2002; Prendergast and Huang, 2003). Other studies have explored the reactions to either a single private sector campaign (Lightfoot et al., 2006) or a set of public sector announcements (Dahl et al., 2003) or have sought to measure the effect of a particular appeal such as sex (Giebelhausen and Novak, 2012). Such research findings at present remain somewhat inconclusive. This study seeks to build on previous work in this area by examining the differences in consumer reaction in respect of FP and NFP sector advertisements that use shock tactics as their main method of stimuli. In doing this, the study also takes into account the effects of gender, religion and nationality of the participants. In particular, there is a paucity of research in the NFP sector concerning assessment of an individual’s response to a range of shock advertisements. This study therefore makes a useful contribution to developing theories related to non-profit marketing and cause-related marketing (Varadarajan and Menon, 1988; Polonsky and Macdonald, 2000). This paper is structured as follows: first, previous research on shock advertising in both the FP and NFP sectors is outlined, then the qualitative research methodology and use *Correspondence to: Dr. Sara Parry, Bangor Business School, Bangor University, Gwynedd, LL57 2DG, UK. E-mail: s.parry@bangor.ac.uk of focus groups is described. From here, the findings are presented and discussed. Particular attention is paid to whether any differences are found between reactions to shock advertisements in the FP and NFP sectors, and any differences in attitudes among the cultural characteristics of the participants. Finally recommendations are outlined with the aim of guiding both sectors in the design and use of shock advertising in future campaigns. Limitations of the study are also considered.
LITERATURE REVIEW 文献综述
Shock advertising is defined as an attempt to ‘surprise an audience by deliberately violating norms for societal values and personal ideals...to capture the attention of a target audience’ (Dahl et al., 2003 p. 269). Day (1991) observed that advertising in general is evaluated by norms and becomes shocking when it breaches those norms. Discussions of shock advertising include terms such as ‘offensive advertising’ (Chan et al., 2007; Prendergast et al., 2008), ‘sex and decency issues’ (Boddewyn and Kunz, 1991), ‘taboo in advertising’ (Sabri and Obermiller, 2012) and ‘advertising controversial products’ (Fam et al., 2008). However, Chan et al. (2007) contend that the definition provided by Dahl et al. (2003) is more comprehensive and consumer oriented. Shocking imagery is often used in advertising as a stimulus to invoke fear in audiences, fear being the emotional response to the advertisement (Hastings et al., 2004). Such ‘fear’ or ‘threat’ appeals are a means of using scare tactics to encourage attitude and behaviour change for example stopping smoking or ensuring safer driving (Donovan and Henley, 1997). Examples of shock advertising can include the visual display of obscene sexual references, profanity or Copyright . 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Attitudes and reactions to shock advertising 113 gratuitous violence. Although some products are deemed more ‘offensive’ than others, research has shown that audience members are more likely to be shocked by offensive themes than the products or ideas advertised (Beard, 2008). Shock advertising aims to reach consumers in an increasingly saturated commercial environment (Vezina and Paul, 1997). Indeed, several authors have noted the rise of shock advertising (Fam and Waller, 2003; Giebelhausen and Novak, 2012). However, there are contrasting views on shock advertising, as some view it as a creative technique, whereas others lambast it as gimmicky and attention grabbing (Van Munching, 1998). Studies so far have identified shock advertising as a valid strategy to capture attention (Vezina and Paul, 1997), particularly when introducing a new product or brand (Sellar, 1999), but may cause negative attitudes and reduced purchase intention towards the brand (Sabri and Obermiller, 2012).
THE NOT-FOR-PROFIT SECTOR 非营利部门
West and Sargeant (2004) noted the recent and increasing propensity for NFP organizations to use shocking advertising. Charitable organizations in the UK such as the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals and the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children are increasingly showing shocking advertisements portraying images of animal cruelty and abused children with the intention of raising awareness about these social issues (West and Sargeant, 2004). Shock tactics and threat appeals are frequently used in order to facilitate large-scale changes in behaviour and attitudes (Sutton, 1992). Even death threats have been used in social marketing campaigns aimed at risk behaviours related to disease and injury prevention (Henley and Donovan, 1999a). Indeed, in a study investigating road safety advertising, the two best performing advertisements were highly dramatic showing graphic crash scenes, injuries and death (Donovan et al., 1999). Shock appeals have been employed in a variety of public health contexts such as seat belt safety, sexually transmitted infections, acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) awareness and smoking (Bainbridge, 1996). A study assessing the effects of an Australian anti-smoking campaign that employed graphic fear-based messages found that the ‘hard-hitting’ and ‘gory’ campaign made smokers more likely to quit (Hill et al., 1998; Wakefield et al., 2003). A study by Veer and Rank (2012) also showed that shocking visual images that portray the consequences of smoking resulted in heightened levels of cognitive processing of the message and intentions to quit smoking. An earlier study by Veer et al. (2008) indicated that the NHS’s ‘Unhooked’ anti-smoking advertisement led to more favourable attitudes towards quitting in smokers and was deemed to be more self-liberating as it showed that by quitting you would be liberating yourself from the hold that cigarettes have on your life. This contradicts Janis and Terwilliger’s (1962) proposed ‘defensive processing’ theory, which found that high-fear messages were less likely to change smoker’s attitudes towards smoking than low-fear messages. Despite evidence of some success in employing shock tactics, it is argued that arousing fear may be counterproductive when attempting to persuade people to stop addictive behaviours such as smoking, drug and alcohol abuse as it can potentially lead to helplessness and fatalistic thinking (Henley and Donovan, 1999b). Hastings et al. (2004) criticized the use of fear appeals in social marketing because of resulting heightened anxiety among those most at risk and complacency among those not directly targeted. Therefore, the literature suggests that threat appeals can be effective provided that the threat appeal is well targeted and the recommended behaviour is perceived as efficacious (Beck and Frankel, 1981; Sutton, 1992; Henley and Donovan, 1999b). Nudity and sexual stimuli have also been increasingly used in social marketing, targeting a range of diseases from skin and breast cancer to HIV awareness and sexually transmitted disease campaigns (Reichert et al., 2001). In a study investigating the effects of fear-arousing condom advertisements, the high-fear condom advertisements did not significantly differ from low-fear advertisements in effectiveness. However, participants with a high fear of getting AIDS viewed the advertisements as more effective (Struckman-Johnson et al., 1990). |
