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Developed countries such as the United States, Canada, and Australia are the major destinations for international migration. In recent years, although the economies of the developed countries have recovered in succession, the problem of unemployment remains severe. Every time when unemployed storm strikes, immigrants, especially new immigrants, are often the first to bear the brunt. In 2013, a recent survey on immigration characteristics published by the Australian Bureau of Statistics showed that the unemployment rate of immigrants in Australia has been as high as 85% in recent years. This figure far exceeds the unemployment rate of the Australian native population (To, Grafton and Regan, 2007:1). Similarly, the employment statistics released by Statistics Canada in early 2014 showed that the gap between the new immigrants in Canada and the natives was very large, and the higher the level of education was, the more obvious the difference was- the unemployment rate of new immigrants with college education or above was more than four times of the unemployment rate of locals with equal educational backgrounds (Latif, 2015:167).
Even among the employed immigrants, many people are still underemployed, that is, their professional skills are higher than the actual needs of the work, or the work does not match the professional skills learned. Some of them originally belonged to knowledge and technology professionals in their countries of origin, but in the countries of migration, due to the inability to find a suitable job that is capable of fully exerting their talents, it causes a waste of talents to some extent (Kirk, Bal and Janssen, 2017:43). For example, in developed countries, it is not uncommon for a Chinese new immigrant with a doctoral degree to become a taxi driver or work in a Chinese restaurant. Although they are employed, their actual talents and work experience have not been fully utilized. These factors have led to a decline in the income of male migrants’, which in turn has had an impact on their masculinity (Hibbins, 2005:177; Sinn, 1998:119).
At present, about 1.6 million migrants over the age of 25 in the United States who have college education and already have jobs are affected by brain waste (Datta, 2008: 528). Because overseas qualifications are not recognized by U.S. companies, a lack of job experience in the United States, and language barriers force them to engage in low-skilled jobs that do not meet their academic qualifications, such as driving taxis, housekeeping, and delivery (Cohen, 2005:21). A report also pointed out that 20% of migrants with overseas qualifications were engaged in low-skilled jobs (Kirk, Bal and Janssen, 2017:16). Only 12% of native-born residents with the same degrees are engaged in this type of work (To, Grafton and Regan, 2017:13). Among them, the most affected are migrants who have obtained undergraduate degrees abroad, and 26% of them are engaged in low-skilled jobs or unemployed (Kirk, Bal and Janssen, 2017:25).
According to statistics, in 2010, 42% of migrants in Canada were engaged in jobs which are lower than their qualifications (Hussein and Christensen, 2017:765). Many new migrants find it difficult to find jobs in their original professions. Finally, they have to turn to choose some easily accessible industries such as trade and service industries. In addition, the proportion of migrants’ engaged in part-time and temporary jobs is also higher than that of the local people, and the rate of protecting by unions is also low. Unemployment and underemployment directly affect the economic income level and quality of life of migrants.
Although the problem of employment is a common problem for both male and female migrants, men are generally impacted more, because in most countries, they still follow the pattern that men work outside and women take care of families inside, and the main source of income for household is provided by men, women's less income, or no income is not a big problem, but low male income may be seen as unable to bear family responsibilities and they will be looked down on (Levitt, 1998:48). In addition, most countries generally measure the success of men from the economic point of view. For women, the criterion for success is often from the family perspective. Therefore, the problem of unemployment and underemployment has more impact on male migrants.
3.2.1 Lower their right to speak in their families
The decline in social status and economic income after migration has brought immense pressure on the psychology of male migrants. This kind of pressure comes from many aspects. First, whether they can adapt to this gap. Second, it comes from their families, and the families’ reduced income. This may reduce the power of men to speak and make decisions in the families, or may lead to tensions and even divorces between spouses. Third, for migrants from developing countries, they choose migration to seek a better life and income, and if the income and living standards are not as high as what they have expected, male migrants will lose face in front of their relatives and friends (Hibbins, 2005:168).
3.2.2 Lack of strong mentality
Most men of all ethnicities have masculinity. It is the performance of cowards to seek help. Therefore, when men encounter difficulties and challenges after migration, and they cannot handle for the time being, they generally do not look for help as women do, and because of the lack of interpersonal network, it is often difficult for them to find a target for confession. Some male migrants tend to become more passive and even suffer mental disorders (Sinn, 1998:118).
3.2.3 Assume more household duties
In the past, many men in their home countries seldom did household chores at home. However, after migration, the proportion of men who undertake domestic work has greatly increased because the majority of husbands and wives need to work after migration. Many women in domestic families do not need to work, so they specialize in housework, men mainly do a good job to provide good economic conditions for their families (Hibbins, 2005:173). After migration, women need to work, they will share housework with men, and men will learn a variety of skills to do a good job of housework, such as electrician technology, carpenter technology, etc., because after migration, hiring these skilled workers requires a lot of costs, in order to save these costs, most men are willing to learn.
3.2.4 Engage in work traditionally considered to be female
Traditional masculinity requires men to succeed in their careers, to be able to support their families, and to be work outside and allow females to take care of families inside, the difference in gender division of labor is legalized, and there is no constant standard for “career success”. To live like a man requires them to continue to fight and bear increasing pressure; men are required to be brave, rough and superior to women, and men are required to behave like a strong man (Hibbins, 2005:173; Osella, Filippo, and Filippo and Osella, 2000:117; Mahler and Pessar, 2001: 421). However, in the context of migration, the temperament of many men is not in line with the traditional role of men. They will live in harmony with others and women in an equal and harmonious manner. They will bear the responsibility of society, family and will show their love for family and friends. They are not no longer strong and brave, but only learn how to care for and understand others. They have not become fragile but just more rational and tolerant. Studies on migrant men by Hibbins (2005:168), Sinn (1998: 11), Filippo and Osella (2000:33), Hussein, and Christensen (2017:749) pointed out that service jobs with serious feminine features, such as waiters and concierges, use “female” skills such as mercy, emotional management, and obedience. Men who are engaged in these jobs considered to be women's tend to show less traditional male gender characteristics than men in traditional positions.
4.0 Analysis
4.1 Types of masculinity
Considering from the above analysis results, the masculinity of male migrants is not only manifested as traditional dominant masculinity, but also as other types of masculinity. In theory, masculinity can be represented by four temperaments: dominance, subordination, marginality and collusion (Carrigan, Connell and Lee, 1985:551). Dominant masculinity is considered as the "ideal type" of masculinity. Males can claim and possess a leading position in social life by virtue of dominant masculinity. Dominant masculinity is a form of male power used to guarantee male dominance and female subordinate status (Connell and Messerschmidt, 2005:829). As what is analyzed above that, some male migrants will actively start their own business to obtain the success of the business. This is precisely the dominant masculinity shown by men in order to maintain and own their leading position in social life. Subordinate masculinity is related to the dominant culture of an entire society. In this general framework, there are specific dominant and subordinate gender relations between different male groups. For example, the poor are in the status of dependents (Carrigan, Connell, and Lee, 1985:604; Connell and Messerschmidt, 2005:859). Marginality is the masculinity displayed by marginal races and people in a society (Carrigan, Connell, and Lee, 1985:600). For example, in a society dominated by white people, wealthy blacks show marginality. For example, in the above analysis, male migrants are willing to be engaged in low-end work and earn low income, which shows subordinate and marginal masculinity. Collusion means that in marriage, men often have to make extensive compromises with women, instead of always occupying a dominant position. In the above analysis, male migrants are more willing to assume household duties than local males, which is the performance of collusion masculinity (Carrigan, Connell, and Lee, 1985: 558). All in all, male migrants do not have only one type of masculinity, but more than one type, and it is worth noting that the masculinity shown by men is not fixed in one's life, it changes with his growth. |
